Emil Dinga

Economist, Ph.D., the Romanian Academy, President of the Romanian Society for Economics Philosophy, with expertise in the epistemology, philosophy and logic of economics

The Illegitimate Public Debt – A Short Conceptual Discussion

Emil Dinga

The public debt formation is the direct effect of a causal mix containing at least the following factors: a) the weak capacity of the private sector to push the economy towards its potential, that requires state intervention by increasing the public expenditures beyond the internal possibility to cover such an increase (in a keynesian or post-keynesian pattern); b) the weak capacity of the public sector (state/government) to collect the taxes and other revenues in society (no matter that this incapacity is due to incompetence or a competent corruption), that requires an alternative source of public revenue, public debt (either internal or external); c) the illegitimate exuberance of the politicians (either Parliament or, especially, the Government) with regards to indebting the nation within a populist (that is, in an unjustified way, without mentioning its unsustainable character) framework of politics (no matter the reasons for such a populism). More

The Specter that Haunts Economists – Social Justice

Emil Dinga

I occasionally read, not in a systematic or deliberate fashion, articles or larger studies on economic inequality, poverty, the free-market (or, by way of opposition, less free), democracy, freedom, and the like. It is obvious that a reflection, especially at this high level of generality and abstraction is conducted quite metaphysically, that is, based on pre-reflective assumptions going to beliefs, on the one hand, and theory-laden, on the other hand. I am aware of these two unavoidable conditionalities and I am trying, as much as possible, to compensate for them in the analyses and the conclusions I draw, so establishing a degree of honesty for the authors in case. But the problem is of another kind, namely that the pretentious concepts mentioned above are, at most times, discussed in a common (“civilian”) framework, with a thin background of political theory, or social philosophy, or ethics or, above all, social justice theory. This means either the authors deliberately use a pop style (although, in my opinion, popularization is a more difficult labor than the original one, because it must make compatible both the correctness of concepts/issues discussed and the accessibility of ideas for non-experts) or simply those authors do not hold the minimum necessary background in the matter at hand. It is known that the imprecision (and, sometimes, even the misunderstanding) has the potential to illuminate ideas or directions not intended by the original work, and is just as true that, often, ones who know little in a field can enact revolutionary ideas, exactly because they did not (yet) “gain” the prejudices of that field. But such eventualities are extremely rare and I cannot (no matter how much goodwill I would have) give credit to writings that lead so very important subject into an unintentional (I hope) desultoriness. More

Inability to Govern or Ability Not to Govern?

Emil Dinga

These days, our society is the hapless witness of an odd (although not absolutely novel) behaviour of the political class regarding the act of governing – an irrepressible desire and willingness to govern for the good of society, which springs from public declarations, and, at the same time, a stubbornness in designing the government/governing for their own private interest and good, which is easily inferable from the (more or less public) actions. Although the politicians must, most of the time, deliver on their promises to the public, based on the confidence from that public that they will accomplish what has been promised, this time we see, in fact, only a competition between the two parts which are engaged in the political fight, to better convince the public regarding their true intentions and purposes (which are, of course, well masked). More

The Obese State – A Political Metaphor or a Milestone?

Emil Dinga

This is not the place and the occasion to deeply discuss the crucial (and endless) issue of the size of the state and its involvement in society (especially in the economy). From the minimal state shaped by the invisible hand (Nozick), to the contractual state instituted on basic principles (Rawls), to the socialist state constituted as the big brother, all of these versions have their pros and cons. However, regarding any of these types of state, a common topic could be of interest: the efficacy and/or efficiency of the works of the state. Regarding the public money, the efficacy of the state intervention (either through regulation/deregulation or through public spending) seems to be of interest (both politically and ethically) – thus, if an objective of common interest must be accomplished, the question of efficiency is not relevant at all; the only relevance is carried by the efficacy of the intervention. I strongly and irremediably believe that the money public should be associated with efficacy only. But is this belief beyond any doubt? Honestly, I have to accept that it is not. The main reason to doubt consists in the very structure of the public sector (nb: the private domain of the state is another issue entirely). I shall provide some considerations in this area. More

Automatic Stabilizers as Publicly-Oriented Predictors

Emil Dinga

In the economic process, the volatility of macroeconomic variables is not the true problem, but its unpredictability. In fact, this conclusion is equally valid for microeconomics. For example, under the EMH – Efficient Market Hypothesis – a predictability, as low as it may be, provides to the (qualified) observer some opportunities to be exploited above the market average returns, without extra risks to assume or extra costs to pay. The volatility has the two “classical” causes: the invisible hand, that is, the aggregate behaviour of the economic actors in the market, and the visible hand, that is, the state (usually normative) intervention in that market (when the state behaves as economic actor, it is also part of the invisible hand). Consequently, as can easily be noticed, the majority of economic (quantitative) models of decisions are aimed at predicting the future market, usually in terms of price. The real and therefore useful predictions must be related to predictors, which are, conceptually, economic or institutional variables with a much lower volatility or, at the very limit, with no volatility, at least in short and medium term. For example, the risk of bonds is null or, at least, constant even if it is different from zero. Our topic in this article is the well-known predictors in the economy, namely the automatic stabilizers. More

The Professionalization of the Public/Political Decision-Making

Emil Dinga

The professionalization of the public decision-making involves, of course, two distinct semantic aspects: a) turning the politician - the public decision-maker into a professional; b) ensuring the professional character of the public decision-making process.The first requires that the person making public decisions (in general, the politician) become an expert in public decision-making. This is possible and even desirable, but here the term expert must be given a particular meaning. Typically, we call the expert a person who can formulate explanations (based, of course, on theories), that is, they can establish effective causality. In this sense, the politician cannot become an expert, because there would be a contradiction in terms. Therefore, according to the first significance of the professionalization of the public decision, the politician must become a professional not in the theoretical foundation of the public decision, but in the ethical foundation of it. The professional’s expertise in public decision-making will therefore consist in his ability to capture the common (or majority) interest of the community, to translate this interest into a political target and to co-ordinate social action towards achieving this goal (the content of the leadership concept). The “profession" of a politician therefore presupposes a specific competence, namely to build visions, to formulate (in interpersonal language) the objectives associated with those visions, to implement social mechanisms and procedures to achieve the objectives and to ensure the ethics of the distribution of public goods generated by achieving the objectives (i.e. the social justice). As we can see, the professionalism of the politician is not about designing means but designing goals. As goals do not imply an effective causality, but, as has been shown above, a teleological one, it results that the politician, the political decision-maker or the public decider, cannot be both an expert in the instrumental sense of the term. More

On the Nature of the Concept of Tolerance

Emil Dinga

I would like to discuss the following issues related to the concept of tolerance (the concept of intolerance can be derived, relatively un-problematically, from that of tolerance): the nature (source) of the concept of tolerance. More

Some Thoughts on COVID-19 Pandemic Shock

Emil Dinga

On the nature of COVID-19 pandemic shockWe think the COVID-19 pandemic shock “verifies” the following features:the shock is atypical: it has the particularity that it bypasses the standard “path” – that is, it does not affect the nominal flows of the economy (especially the financing or re-financing mechanisms) – but directly affects the real economy:
the reduction/limitation of economic activities involving human agglomerations (in order to avoid the spread of the SARS-CoV-2 virus) has led to a decrease in the labour factor in the production function, thus to a decrease in domestic supply; More

About the “Fair” Sharing of Economic Value Added

Emil Dinga

Periodically, economists put on the table a remarkably interesting (and disputable, as well) topic, that of model for sharing the value added between labour and capital. The subject is present both on the work table of theoretical scientists and on that of researchers interested in the social justice echo of the income/wealth distribution inside the society (like Piketty, for example). In this intervention, I am interested not in the social justice considerations on the evoked topic, but in a very “ideologically free” approach. More exactly, I shall discuss the possible fair sharing of the value added between labour and capital (as main production factors) from the perspective of economic sustainability. This is distinct from economic optimality or economic fairness, although, as it is well-known, there is a so-called trade-off between equity and efficacy as impact of economic distribution. Without any doubt, the social justice angle of the topic is of multiple interests (including the scientific one) but, as said, this perspective will be postponed for the moment. More

The Economists Need Skin in The Game

Emil Dinga

The concept of economic crisis encompasses quite different situations (from either a causal perspective or a consequentialist one), from a conjunctural transient state all the way to a real blockage of the economic system. For this article, we shall presume that the phrase ‘economic crisis’ is used correctly, by indicating a dysfunctionality, either of structural or functional nature, in the economic process or system concerned (for example, the national economy of Romania). Economists throw the phrase left and right with a grave face, which does not bode well for ignorant people. More

Rebuilding Economics

Emil Dinga

In the last decades, the economic discipline in its hypostasis of Economics (i.e. positive economic theory) was, and also currently is, subject to radical and massive criticism not only from the non-economists (including physicists!), but also from notorious economists, including Nobel Prize winners.The perspectives of such criticisms are very different, starting from the conceptual bases, focusing on the methodological framework, and ending with the predictive potential. Of course, although the initial criticisms were focused on the mechanical ways of economic thinking (by taking over the Newtonian paradigm in physics), other points came to the forefront in recent years: the required interdisciplinary character of Economics, the issue of truth in the economic field (in a wider sense: in the social field), the required evolutionary nature of Economics, because of the evolutionary nature of the society, and even the requirement of a new formalism in Economics based on something other than differential equations (which do not indicate the dynamics – i.e., the causality – in the economic process) and so on. More

The Case for a Homeopathic Fiscal Policy

Emil Dinga

Very recently, a certain initiative of the Minister of Public Finance – namely regarding the possibility that tax evasion be punished by prison time – has generated much rumour and pros vs. cons debates (especially among the TV talking heads). Since the political (or even electoral) reasons of such a proposal are alien to my mind, I will focus this intervention on the general character the fiscal policy should exhibit, according to its nature as well as its purposes and, consequently, on the legitimacy of introducing such sanctions. Another issue of interest will be that regarding the efficacy of the proposed measure. More